After the Uprisings: Political Transition in Tunisia, Libya by Anthony Dworkin

By Anthony Dworkin

Opposed to the backdrop of the new army coup in Egypt and the continuing civil battle in Syria, the preliminary euphoria of the Arab Spring has lengthy on account that light. however the political transitions in Tunisia, Libya and Yemen, notwithstanding fragile, proceed to supply wish for strong results. Anthony Dworkin explains why Tunisia’s transition has stored from derailing—so some distance. William Lawrence argues that our failure to acknowledge Libya’s specificities has stored us from knowing its post-revolutionary trajectory. And Stefan Wolff examines what’s at stake in Yemen’s ongoing nationwide discussion convention.

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Additional resources for After the Uprisings: Political Transition in Tunisia, Libya and Yemen (World Politics Review Features)

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The jihadi escapades of Sakr and Berjawi, the two charismatic leaders of the group, must have left an impression on the younger Mohammed Emwazi. In 2007 Emwazi was closely connected to Sakr and Berjawi. They lived nearby, shared cultural reference points and encouraged Emwazi to take an interest in their political and ideological interpretation of the unfolding events in east Africa. Stories would have been passed from friend to friend about how the London jihadists had slipped out of the UK and joined a brotherhood of fighters in war-torn Somalia.

Cigarettes, alcohol and khat, the popular leafy narcotic chewed by Somalis, were all banned. ’9 When the ICU threatened neighbouring Ethiopia, America backed an armed response. Ethiopian forces swept through the country before quickly taking Mogadishu. In the face of the military onslaught, the ICU splintered, with moderates going into exile and the militants forming the terror group al-Shabaab, meaning ‘the youth’. ‘This meant that what should have been a Somali problem, requiring a Somali solution to address militancy within the ICU, became an Ethiopian and American problem,’ says Mukoma.

He made a speech strongly criticizing the killing of innocent people after the November 2015 attacks in Paris. He also denies being a radicalizing influence on Emwazi. His lawyer told me: ‘To the best of his knowledge, he never met him, and does not understand how this suggestion can ever have arisen. It appears to have been conjured up by an exercise in lazy journalism, stitching names together which have never had any connection in reality. ’ But Sibai was by no means the only cleric with alleged links to al-Qaeda preaching in west London when Emwazi was growing up.

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